It took the cycle of bloodshed “for reasons of honor” to reopen — this time in Vorizia, Crete — for the issue of gun ownership to resurface in the public sphere. Although in Greek and European culture gun ownership is not a widespread practice imbued with historical and political weight as it is in the United States, it nevertheless raises critical questions about how we understand the conditions of our common coexistence. Let us therefore look at how social perceptions shape up through a series of questions that attempt to map this field.
Starting with the fundamental question “for or against gun ownership,” a clear social majority views it negatively: 78% are against it and only 13% in favor — though roughly 1 in 10 spontaneously reply that “it depends on the circumstances.” So, at first glance, there appears to be no social ground for accepting civilian gun ownership. Certain differentiations, however, already emerge.
A gendered dimension becomes visible, as men are more in favor than women (19% versus just 6%). Understandably, one might say, since men are more familiar with possessing and using a gun — whether due to the symbolic weight of firearm use, gendered social roles, or even the experience of military service.
Greater acceptance of gun ownership also appears among younger generations (especially Gen Z, with 28%, compared to only 7% among boomers). Further study may be needed to determine whether this reflects greater familiarity with violence or a heightened sense of insecurity among younger people.
Gun ownership also carries a political marker. Acceptance increases as we move rightward on the ideological spectrum, reaching 29% among right-leaning respondents — and 24% among those who have a positive opinion of Donald Trump’s presidency, in whose political agenda (albeit in a different cultural context) gun ownership holds a prominent place.
If this is the broader picture, let us now view it through certain specific lenses, where interesting nuances emerge. These are arguments commonly expressed in the public debate on gun ownership. We might call them: the Self-Protection Argument, the Violence Argument, and the Tradition Argument.
The Self-Protection Argument links gun ownership with individual self-defense, outside the protection guaranteed by public institutions holding what Max Weber called the monopoly of legitimate violence (army, police, etc.). In the statement “It’s good to have a gun so you can protect yourself and your family,” 26% agree versus 64% who disagree. When gun ownership and potential use is tied to protecting one’s loved ones — acquiring emotional weight — the ground for acceptance expands.
At the opposite end lies the Violence Argument, which holds that expanding gun possession/use will intensify violence and crime rather than reduce it. A very strong 82% agree with the view that “Gun ownership leads to more murders and makes societies more violent,” while only 1 in 10 disagree.
A similar picture emerges regarding the Tradition Argument, which claims that gun ownership is part of our (local) tradition and should be respected as a culturally legitimate practice. Yet the overwhelming majority does not agree with this view. Again, 8 out of 10 (81%) disagree, with only 1 in 10 in agreement.
In all three parameters, the gender dimension persists. Men agree more than women with both the Self-Protection and the Tradition Arguments (32% vs. 19% and 16% vs. 6%, respectively). Conversely, women more strongly embrace the Violence Argument — that gun ownership increases violence and crime (86% vs. 78%).
The political dimension is also evident. As we move rightward politically, and among those who express positive views of Donald Trump, respondents tend to be more open to pro–gun ownership arguments. For example, 45% of right-leaning respondents agree with the Self-Protection Argument (vs. only 12% among left-leaning respondents), and 39% among those who view Trump positively (vs. 17% among those who view him negatively).
In generational terms, older generations appear more cautious than younger ones: boomers show 91% agreement that gun ownership increases violence (vs. 62% among Gen Z), while Gen Z, inversely, agrees 40% with the view that a gun can be a means of self-protection (compared to 28% of millennials and 21% of Gen X and boomers).
Finally, geographically, while the region of Crete/Aegean islands — brought to the forefront due to the events in Vorizia — does not show above-average acceptance of gun ownership in principle, in the specific dimensions it shows relatively higher acceptance of the Self-Protection Argument (33%) and the Tradition Argument (20%).
In summary, it appears that a large social majority clearly opposes the practice of gun ownership, believing it brings more violence than protection. At the same time, however, there emerges a pattern of relatively higher acceptance among men, younger generations, and right-leaning audiences. This is precisely where fertile ground exists for a democratic State — one concerned with removing violence from the framework of our shared coexistence — to exercise its pedagogical role in shaping culture and social attitudes.
Giannis Balampanidis is a political analyst and Head of Political & Social Research at Metron Analysis.
