He argues that past diplomatic frameworks, including the Oslo process and the 2008 negotiations, provide the foundation for renewed peace efforts. Rejecting Hamas as a partner for talks, he emphasizes that the Palestinian Authority is the legitimate negotiating counterpart. He also strongly condemns violence perpetrated against innocent Palestinians in the West Bank by Israeli settlers, which he describes as unacceptable and immoral. Calling for concrete measures to end it, he warns that failure to act could lead to scrutiny by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Olmert also touches on regional tensions involving Lebanon and Iran, the role of U.S. leadership, and the political consequences of ongoing war, warning that without a clear political horizon, instability in the region will persist.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert during an interview with The Associated Press in his office in Tel Aviv, Israel, Thursday, May 22, 2025. (AP Photo/Ariel Schalit)
The United States is pressuring Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu to stop the bombardment of Lebanon. Do you think they will stop? Do you think Netanyahu will do what Trump wants?
Well, there is a ceasefire, and I don’t think Israel is bombing or carrying out air attacks on Lebanon at present. I think that are some clashes ongoing on the ground with Hezbollah, but there are no airstrikes. I hope the ceasefire will allow the Lebanese and Israeli representatives to sit down and negotiate.
I believe that negotiations, and a possible agreement between Israel and Lebanon, are the best possible way to end the hostilities.
Do you believe that Iran still poses an existential threat to Israel? Does Israel look upon it that way?
If Iran still has enriched uranium, then it may pose an existential threat. And that isn’t something that can be ignored. This is what President Trump kept on saying: we will not allow Iran to move forward towards a nuclear capability. So, if Iran could potentially acquire a nuclear capability, then Tehran does pose a strategic threat to Israel—and that has to be addressed.
Do you believe that this war against Iran will have the results the United States and Israel were hoping for? What I mean is this: the United States and Iran reached an agreement in the Obama era. So, do you think the two nations could make a better agreement after this war?
If there is an agreement, I think it would be an important step forward, even if it is more or less identical to the one made with Obama. Personally speaking, I thought the Obama agreement was reasonable at the time. It wasn’t an ideal agreement, but it was reasonable, and it was definitely an improvement on what was in place prior to it.
As far as I’m concerned, from an Israeli national and security interest point of view, there was no reason for Trump to withdraw from the Obama agreement in his first term. But these were political calculations made by President Trump. If he can now reach a similar agreement, I think that would be positive.
Do you see the war ending soon?
Well, a ceasefire is in place with Iran right now, which is a step forward. If an agreement can be reached that allows Iran’s nuclear program to be controlled and supervised in a highly effective way, then maybe we can end the war. That is the most important of the many aspects and elements. So if we have an agreement on the nuclear program similar to the one reached with Obama, that could allow the war to end.
With this war, the world has forgotten about the Palestinians. Not only in Gaza, but also in the West Bank, with the settler violence against the Palestinians.
I didn’t forget.
I spoke up against the atrocities perpetrated by Israeli settlers against innocent Palestinians in the West Bank, and did so in the most explicit, powerful and public manner possible. It is shameful and utterly intolerable. Their actions are immoral, and not something that can be ignored or forgiven—we have to take every necessary measure to stop it. This is primarily the responsibility of the government and the military command in the territories, which are under the control of the Israeli Chief of Staff of the IDF, the Commander of the Central Command of the Israeli Army, and the Inspector General of the Israeli Police. So it is up to these three to take the necessary measures—not just to protest publicly, but to take practical measures to stop the violence. If they fail to do so, they will be held personally accountable before the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
Do you think there will be elections in Israel while the war is still being fought? Do you foresee a change in the political situation? And what sort of future can Israel look ahead to, if it continues with what Netanyahu is doing? And Is the relationship between Trump and Netanyahu still strong?
I’m not sure how consistent Trump will be with Netanyahu handling Israel’s military and strategic affairs the way he does. In fact, last weekend, we heard President Trump say “I told Netanyahu enough is enough. End the bombing in Lebanon.”
So, if Trump loses patience with Netanyahu, it would certainly help the Israeli opposition bring down his government in the upcoming elections.
You were Prime Minister of Israel. When we spoke a year ago, you expressed your belief in a two-state solution in the Middle East. Do you still feel that’s a possibility?
There is no alternative. We can talk and talk and argue and find all kinds of excuses for not doing certain things—because they’re dangerous or difficult or because there’s a threat. But at the end of the day, there is only one political solution that can end the historic conflict between Israel and Palestine, and that is the two-state solution. We have to separate from the Palestinians, who are entitled to exercise their right to self-determination in the territories on the basis of the 1967 borders.
Meaning the Arab side of Jerusalem will be the capital of Palestine, and the Old City of Jerusalem, with the Temple Mount, will not be under the exclusive political sovereignty of either Israeli or Palestinian, but administered by a trust of five nations instead: Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Palestine, Israel, and the U.S.
This is the essence of what I proposed to the Palestinian leadership in 2008 when I was Prime Minister. And it’s what we published—myself and my colleague, the former Foreign Minister of the Palestinian Authority, Dr. Nasser Al Kidwa, who was also the UN ambassador of the Palestinian Authority—in July 2024, when we called for the end of the war in Gaza and the start of a comprehensive peace on the basis of two states, the 1967 borders, and so on.
We can argue forever, but if we want a solution, this is the only way. You have to believe in it, you have to dream of it, and you have to fight for it. Yes, you just have to keep on arguing for it until it is accomplished.
On the Israeli side, there are people who share your dream. On the Palestinian side, Hamas has spoken on behalf of the Palestinian people for many years now.
Hamas is not a partner in any talks. The Palestinian Authority is the natural partner, because it is committed to the agreements that have been signed between Israel and Palestine—the Oslo Accords and others—, and to international recognition of the Palestinians’ right to a state of their own. This is based on the understanding that the Palestinians need to negotiate peace with Israel on the basis of two states.
So, if we do not want to negotiate with the Palestinians, we will never find partners on the other side to talk to. But if Israel is determined to talk to the Palestinians and to do so publicly, in an official way, firmly and forcefully, we will have Palestinian partners to talk to about peace on that basis.
Ehud Olmert will participate in the Delphi Economic Forum.
