A proposed Trump administration sale of fighter jet engines to Turkey has opened a new front of resistance on Capitol Hill, drawing objections not only from Democrats but also from Greek American Republicans who say Ankara should not be rewarded while it continues to hold a Russian air defense system and challenge American allies in the Eastern Mediterranean.
The dispute centers on the administration’s formal notification to Congress that it intends to approve the sale of more than $700 million in General Electric jet engines to Turkey. The engines are expected to power KAAN, Turkey’s first domestically produced combat aircraft and a centerpiece of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s effort to build a more independent Turkish defense industry.
But in Washington, the sale has quickly become about more than engines. It has revived a larger fight over whether the United States is preparing to ease pressure on Turkey despite Ankara’s continued possession of the Russian-made S-400 air defense system, the issue that led to Turkey’s removal from the F-35 fighter jet program in 2019.
Four Greek American Republican lawmakers — Representatives Gus Bilirakis of Florida, Nicole Malliotakis of New York, Mike Haridopolos of Florida and Jimmy Patronis of Florida — said in a joint statement that they were deeply concerned by reports of the proposed military sale. They also said they strongly opposed any prospect of Turkey’s return to the F-35 program unless Ankara fully complies with the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, known as CAATSA.
Their intervention is notable because it comes from members of the president’s own party, including Florida Republicans who have benefited from Mr. Trump’s public support. Mr. Patronis, who won a special election for the House this year, was urged by Mr. Trump to run and received his “Complete and Total Endorsement.” Mr. Trump described him as a “wonderful friend to me, and to MAGA.” Mr. Haridopolos, a former president of the Florida Senate, has also publicly highlighted Mr. Trump’s endorsement.
That political backdrop gives the statement an edge. The opposition is not coming only from the usual Democratic critics of Turkey policy, but also from Republicans otherwise aligned with the president.
The administration has framed the sale as a licensable export after a review of political, military, economic, human rights and arms control considerations. According to Reuters, the State Department notification to Congress said the United States was prepared to license the export after weighing those factors.
The timing is sensitive. The move comes ahead of a NATO summit in Turkey and as Mr. Trump has signaled an interest in improving ties with Mr. Erdogan. Asked this week about the jet engines, the F-35 program and the upcoming summit, Mr. Trump suggested he was inclined to accommodate Turkey, saying he would probably do something that would make Turkish officials “very happy.”
In the same Oval Office appearance with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Mr. Trump turned to Vice President JD Vance when asked what would have to happen for an F-35 deal with Turkey to be finalized. Mr. Vance said Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and other officials were reviewing what would need to be certified to ensure that Turkey had complied with American law before any such move could proceed.
For Turkey’s critics in Congress, that review is the real alarm bell.
Turkey was removed from the F-35 program in 2019 after it accepted delivery of the S-400 system. American officials said the Russian system could be used to collect intelligence on the F-35’s stealth capabilities and other sensitive technology. The Trump administration later imposed CAATSA sanctions on Turkey’s defense procurement agency, and Congress enacted restrictions aimed at preventing Turkey from receiving F-35s while it retained the Russian system.
The engine sale does not itself return Turkey to the F-35 program. But lawmakers opposed to Ankara’s reintegration see it as part of a broader softening of American policy toward Turkey at a time when the legal and security concerns that led to the original rupture remain unresolved.
Representative Gregory W. Meeks of New York, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, accused the State Department of bypassing congressional review and failing to provide a sufficient explanation for the sale. He said the administration had not justified the decision, had not invoked emergency authority and had not adequately briefed him on the implications for U.S.-Turkey relations, Turkey’s possession of the S-400 and broader regional security concerns.
The scrutiny is also expected to reach the Republican side of the committee. Jewish Insider reported that Representative Brian Mast of Florida, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, was expected to be briefed next week on the F-35 issue and Turkey’s continued possession of the S-400 system.
It was not clear whether Mr. Mast requested the briefing or whether the administration initiated it, a distinction that could indicate either growing concern from the committee’s Republican chairman or an effort by the administration to manage congressional unease as it reviews a possible legal path for Turkey to obtain the aircraft.
Congress has 15 days from the formal notification to introduce a joint resolution of disapproval to try to block the engine sale. Such a measure would have to pass both chambers and could be vetoed by Mr. Trump, making the procedural path difficult. But the expected briefing, together with objections from Mr. Meeks and the Greek American Republicans, shows that distrust of Turkey remains strong in Congress, even as the White House appears to be seeking a reset.
The four Greek American Republicans framed their opposition around Turkey’s conduct in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. They said Turkey remains a destabilizing force through its expansive and disputed maritime claims, its continuing illegal occupation of Cyprus, and its rhetorical demonization of Israel.
They also cited Turkey’s harboring of Hamas and its refusal, as a NATO member, to impose sanctions on Russia as “deeply troubling.”
“The Eastern Mediterranean region holds significant potential to become a beacon of commercial opportunity, energy cooperation, and regional security,” the lawmakers said, adding that they had actively supported those efforts through legislation and engagement. “But Turkey’s rhetoric and actions increasingly threaten these efforts, key American allies, and regional stability.”
Their statement reflects a long-running tension in U.S. policy toward Turkey. Successive administrations have treated Ankara as an important NATO ally with strategic value in the Black Sea, the Middle East, and the broader alliance. But members of Congress, particularly those focused on Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and human rights, have increasingly viewed Mr. Erdogan’s government as an unreliable partner whose conduct should carry consequences.
For Ankara, the engine sale would support one of its most ambitious defense projects. For the Trump administration, it could serve as a gesture to a NATO ally whose cooperation remains important on several regional fronts. But for critics on Capitol Hill, the question is whether Washington is beginning to move past the S-400 dispute without requiring Turkey to resolve it.
That is why the statement from the four Republican lawmakers matters. It does not, by itself, stop the sale. But it shows that opposition to a defense thaw with Turkey is not confined to Democrats, and that even Trump-aligned Republicans are prepared to draw a line at the F-35.
